This is What White Girls Were For
Why They Stopped Needing to Groom to Gang Rape
Kessur Ajaib dragged a 14-year-old into a Rotherham alleyway in 1999 and raped her. Mohammed Makhmood grabbed the same girl at a bus stop, led her to a graveyard, raped her, then spat on her and laughed.
That is not interpretation. Those are the facts from Sheffield Crown Court released this week. And they are not isolated incidents. Involved in this latest conviction this week was Sageer Hussain. He was earlier convicted after this notorious trial where he infamously claimed 'this is what White girls were for'.
BBC News
Twenty years later in Birmingham, Arqash Zaffar and Mohammed Nadim snatched another White girl off the street, trafficked her across three cities, and delivered her to hotel rooms where men queued to rape her.
ByShannen HeadleyWest Midlands
One rapist in Dewsbury was even more direct about the politics. He told his victim: "We're here to fuck all the white girls and fuck the government."
This is now part of the official parliamentary record. In April 2025, Conservative MP Katie Lam stood in the House of Commons and forced those words into Hansard. She read them from court transcripts that document a twenty-year plus campaign of racial warfare against White British children.
Parliament now has this in Hansard, the official record. "We're here to fuck all the white girls and fuck the government."
Katie Lam read those words from court transcripts in April. A Conservative MP standing in the House of Commons, forcing Jess Phillips and other Labour ministers to hear what their protection racket had enabled for decades.
What follows is not about historical crimes. It is about an ongoing system of institutional protection that enabled those crimes and continues to enable them today. It is about networks that remain operational, an ideology that remains intact, and a government that would rather protect Pakistani rapists than confront the scale of what it allowed to happen.
This is What White Girls Were For
This was not an isolated quote. In Rotherham, Sageer Hussain, the ringleader who directed Ajaib and Makhmood, told his victims they deserved rape because "that is what White girls were for." The rapist in Dewsbury told his victim they were there to "fuck all the White girls and fuck the government." The targeting was explicit. The political motivation was stated in court.
This was not sexual gratification. This was racial warfare using rape as the weapon.
Some will argue this was criminal opportunism, not racial targeting. The court record proves otherwise. When perpetrators explicitly state racial motivations to victims, select targets by race, coordinate attacks across networks, and operate with institutional paralysis - that constitutes warfare by any operational definition.
The terms are precise. Kidnapping means taking children from public spaces for sexual abuse. Racial targeting means selection based on victim ethnicity as stated by perpetrators. Institutional protection means deliberate failure to prosecute despite evidence.
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What The Record Shows
Kessur Ajaib dragged a 14-year-old into a Rotherham alleyway in 1999 and raped her. Mohammed Makhmood grabbed the same girl at a bus stop, led her to a graveyard, raped her, then spat on her and laughed. These were not crimes of opportunity. The girl was targeted, stalked, and attacked repeatedly.
Twenty years later in Birmingham, Arqash Zaffar and Mohammed Nadim approached a 16-year-old on Alum Rock Road. She refused to give them her number. They returned days later. Persuaded her into their BMW. Trafficked her across three cities. Men queued to rape her in hotel rooms while Zaffar boasted she was "sexually available."
The courts documented identical methods across decades. Street approaches. Immediate isolation. Systematic abuse. The only thing that changed was the scale and boldness.
These men were not grooming anyone. They were kidnapping White children off British streets because the documented pattern of institutional responses had created an environment of impunity.
How Long This Continued
Operation Stovewood has produced 49 convictions after a decade of investigations. Forty-nine men for over 1,400 documented victims in Rotherham alone. Casey's report suggests even this figure underestimates the true scale.
If 1,400 girls were systematically abused in one town, hundreds of men must have been involved as perpetrators, facilitators, and knowing bystanders. Yet only 49 have been prosecuted.
Rotherham is documented. But the networks operated in more than 85 other towns and cities across Britain. The documented patterns across so many locations suggest a national scale that could reach tens of thousands of perpetrators for an estimated 100,000 victims. This is inference from established patterns, not hidden documentation - but the mathematics of systematic abuse across this geographic spread points to numbers far exceeding anything officially acknowledged.
The government response? They claim they "do not hold the specific information requested" when asked for comprehensive conviction data. They won't count because the numbers would expose them all.
Who Made This Possible
Makhmood felt safe enough to spit on his victim and laugh because every institution had decided these girls were expendable.
Police officers in Rochdale ignored reports. Then returned girls to their rapists. Social workers in Bradford called victims liars. Then attended Islamic weddings between children and their abusers. Councils in Telford buried investigations. Politicians in Oldham used the police to arrest campaigners exposing the cover up rather than confront racial realities.
It was not just Labour councils that silenced social workers and buried local reports. The Conservative government commissioned a 2020 Home Office report that falsely claimed the majority of group-based offenders were White. Casey's audit has now exposed this as deliberate obfuscation. Both parties chose protection over prosecution - Labour through local cover-ups, Conservatives through national denial.
Each betrayal sent the same message to the networks. Take them. Use them. Target them for their race. The system will protect you.
By 2019, men like Zaffar could run trafficking operations across Birmingham, Walsall and Manchester with the confidence of those who had learned the rules of the game. The system had taught them that White girls were available for taking and the British government was too cowardly to intervene.
Every institution decided these children were expendable. This was not criminal conspiracy, it was moral complicity through deliberate inaction and bureaucratic cowardice that enabled criminal networks to operate with impunity.
The Racial Ideology Behind The Crimes
The perpetrators stated their racial and political goals directly to their victims. This was not about sexual desire or criminal opportunity.
Hussain told girls they deserved rape because of their race. The Dewsbury rapist declared war on White children and the British state. These were not private thoughts - they were operational statements that guided systematic targeting.
In every affected town, White girls were selected specifically for their race and vulnerability. The abuse was both sexual violence and racial revenge. The perpetrators saw themselves as conquering British society through the systematic degradation of its children. They brought with them the practice of religiously justified rape genocide practiced in Pakistan to the streets of the United Kingdom.
When officials refused to name this racial dimension, they became complicit in it. Every time they called it "complex safeguarding" rather than racial targeting, they enabled the ideology to operate with impunity.
Officials who refused to name race became accomplices to racial warfare. Not through criminal intent, but through moral cowardice that enabled ideological violence to continue unopposed.
Why The Protection Continues
Katie Lam forced this truth into Parliament because Labour was systematically dismantling even the inadequate response they had promised.
Rather than confront the scale of what they enabled, institutions prefer to manage a few symbolic prosecutions while ensuring the broader networks remain intact. Labour is running a protection racket for Pakistani rapists rather than admit twenty years of deliberate failure.
This is not historical negligence. Networks continue operating across Britain with the same ideological framework but expanded logistics. The trafficking routes between cities remain active. The targeting continues with new technologies and methods.
Labour protects the rapists through denial, allegations of racism and rigged inquiries. Conservatives talk tough then fund cover-up reports. Meanwhile, the networks adapt and persist.
What Parliament Must Do Now
Hussain was right about what White girls were for in the Britain his networks were allowed to create. Targets for racial revenge. Objects for sexual violence. Weapons for attacking a society that they, and all those like them, hold in contempt.
The Dewsbury rapist was also right. They came to fuck all the White girls and fuck the government. They succeeded because British institutions made both goals achievable and British politicians sold little White girls for votes.
Parliament now has the truth in the official record. Three actions are required immediately:
- A full national statutory inquiry with powers to compel testimony and access all records.
- Comprehensive publication of conviction data by ethnicity and location that governments have refused to compile.
- Prosecution of institutional facilitators, including police officers and politicians, who enabled the rape gangs through deliberate inaction and active cover ups.
Anything less continues the protection that enabled over twenty years of racial warfare against British children.
The ideology remains intact. The networks remain operational. The institutional protection continues. History will judge what Parliament does with the truth it now possesses.
History will record the truth. These men no longer needed to groom their victims. The state provided Pakistani rapists with the safety and security needed to kidnap, gang rape and traffic children across the United Kingdom.
Originally, they operated knowing the Muslim bloc vote provided to complicit politicians would protect them. Now, they remain protected because prosecuting them would require prosecuting the politicians who enabled them.
The networks persist because the truth implicates too many people in power. That is why 49 convictions suffice for thousands of victims. That is why comprehensive data goes uncollected. That is why the government appointed a Labour Party peer to chair the national inquiry.
Parliament knows the truth. It chooses protection over prosecution because prosecution would reach too close to home.
We are not where we are by accident. We will not get where we need to be if we leave it to those that were part of the cover up to deliver justice. Stand with me.
I’m Raja Miah. For seven years, I led a small team that exposed how politicians protected the rape gangs. Before that, I spent over a decade safeguarding children and protecting communities from extremists.
My work is free because the truth must circulate. But truth without numbers is easy to crush. The government does not fear facts. It fears scale.
Starmer and his Labour Party fear thousands reading, sharing, and backing the same work because numbers mean witnesses, pressure, and consequences. That’s why I am blacklisted by the legacy media. That's why this matters.
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– Raja Miah MBE