Five Facts the Government Do Not Want You To Know

1 THE ETHNIC REALITY

Let’s be clear from the outset: nobody denies that most child sex abusers in Britain are white. That’s documented, understood, and rightly condemned. But here is another fact, one that makes politicians squirm and self-appointed moral guardians froth with indignation.

In town after town, over multiple decades, gangs of predominantly Pakistani-heritage men have targeted White working-class girls for organised sexual exploitation. This isn't my opinion. It isn’t speculation. It is evidenced, documented, and now impossible to ignore.

Take Bradford. A Freedom of Information request revealed that between 2018 and 2023, 74.4% of all convicted child sexual abuse offenders were recorded as Asian, in a city where Asians make up just 26.8% of the population. Of those Asian offenders, over 84% were Pakistani.

When adjusted for population, Pakistani men in Bradford were 4.9 times more likely to be convicted of child sexual abuse than white men.

This is not about scapegoating. It’s about facing a documented pattern. And it is a pattern the authorities are desperate for you not to notice.

2 THE CLAN STRUCTURE

The industrial scale gang rape of working class White girls across the nation was not the actions of isolated individuals or groups of men involved in 'the nighttime economy'. They were coordinated, calculated, and often enabled by extended networks bound by family, culture, and ideology.

This is why we speak not just of grooming gangs, but of grooming clans. Because what we’re dealing with is deeper, more entrenched, and far more dangerous.

These were extended family and community-based networks, intergenerational and interrelated. Brothers, cousins, uncles, fathers, even grandfathers, operated together across years, often across county lines. The youngest offenders were teenagers still in school or college. The oldest were pensioners.

Their operations mirrored the structure and methods of mafia-style organisations with a deeply embedded culture of loyalty, silence, and protection from within the community.

Many of these clans had already been involved in drug trafficking, most notably in the Pakistani heroin trade that routes products through Afghanistan and into the UK. The logistics, intimidation tactics, money laundering methods, and cross-regional coordination used in that trade were seamlessly adapted to the trafficking of children.

This was not a case of random street-level abuse. It was a criminal enterprise.

3 RAPE CLANS NOT GROOMING GANGS

The term “gang” is misleading. It conjures images of disorganised youths loitering on street corners.

What we’re dealing with is far more insidious: clans - multi-generational, tightly knit, and often interrelated groups operating with the structure, discipline, and reach of organised crime syndicates.

These networks spanned towns, cities, and entire counties. They coordinated the movement of victims across regions, exchanged girls between locations like commodities, and laundered proceeds through restaurants, taxi firms, shisha bars, family homes and even mosques.

Their operations were facilitated by a culture of silence through tribal loyalty one one side and protected by social cohesion on the other. The atrocities they committed was overlooked by local authorities too paralysed, or too complicit, to intervene.

They borrowed tactics from heroin trafficking: smuggling girls across borders and safe houses just as they had drugs. Victims were hidden, silenced, brutalised, and threatened into submission. Families who tried to resist were intimidated into silence. Whistleblowers were smeared or ignored. Even the police were involved.

This wasn’t petty criminality. It was a parallel underworld, one that flourished in full view of the public, mocking a society too consumed by political correctness and institutional cowardice to confront it head-on.

4 THE HISTORICAL PRECEDENT

The mindset that underpinned the actions of those responsible for the industrial scale gang rape of working class White girls has deep historical roots and a troubling ideological lineage.

In 1947, during the Partition of India, there were widespread and systematic rapes of Hindu and Sikh women by Pakistani mobs. Their barbarism was often justified using a combination of racist contempt and religious precedent.

In 1971, during the Bangladesh Liberation War, more than 200,000 Bengali women were raped by the Pakistani army. As in 1947, the targeting was ideological, and ethnically motivated. The difference this time - it was state sanctioned!

Victims were considered war spoils. Fatwas were issued justifying the rape of Bengali women and girls as a religious act. Rape camps were established where girls, from as young as 9 years old, were held. The aim was RAPE GENOCIDE. A Pakistani government strategy to wipe out the Bengali race.

It was during this time that the term rape jihad began to take shape. A phrase describing religiously sanctioned and racially targeted sexual violence used as a weapon of domination.

This ideology, rooted in a toxic combination of religious supremacy, racial contempt, and misogyny, did not disappear when families migrated to Britain. In some areas, it mutated. It adapted. It found cover in multicultural sensitivities and institutional cowardice. Which is why we see echoes of the same mindset playing out here in the UK.

There are reasons why many of the offenders do not view their actions as crimes, never mind shameful. Look how so many of the perpetrators openly cited religious and cultural justifications during their trials, where they described their White, non-Muslim victims as culturally inferior and immoral.

In a recent conviction, as guilty verdicts were handed down, several defendants even shouted “Allahu Akbar.” This was not a cry of remorse, it was a statement of belief. A declaration that their actions were part of a broader jihad, religiously justified against a society they reject.

This is not just criminality. It is a culturally embedded, religiously legitimised and ideologically driven form of abuse. And unless we confront it with honesty and moral courage, it will continue, shielded by our silence and enabled by our fear of causing offence.

5 PAKISTANI RAPE CLANS ARE DISTINCT FROM OTHER TYPES OF ABUSE

Not all child sexual exploitation is the same. Institutional abuse, online exploitation, familial abuse, these are all distinct crimes, each with their own patterns, perpetrators, and methods.

What we are talking about here is a racially targeted, religiously legitimised and culturally organised form of predation. It involved grooming, trafficking, gang-rape, and systematic abuse by networks of men who often shared not only ethnicity and religion, but also a belief system that dehumanised their victims and viewed them as lesser. As disposable.

This wasn’t random or opportunistic. It was structured, sustained, and allowed to continue for years, often with the silent complicity of institutions afraid to speak the truth.

It is crucial to acknowledge this distinction. Because without naming it, we cannot confront it. Without confronting it, we cannot protect future victims.

The much lauded IICSA report failed to recognise this specific form of abuse because it prioritised political correctness over uncomfortable truths. By avoiding any honest analysis of the racial, religious, and ideological drivers behind these crimes, its final report offers recommendations that are generic, toothless, and entirely unfit to address the problem it refused to name.

Ask Lucy Powell if anything what I share is a small trumpet or dog whistle.

The next 5 Facts to hopefully follow tomorrow.

For those new to me, I'm Raja Miah MBE. I spent six years leading a small team that exposed how politicians protected the rape gangs.

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