WILL MAHMOOD RIG THE PAKISTANI RAPE GANG RECKONING?

The Rape Gang Terms of Reference Is Now Due

The finalised terms of reference for the Independent Inquiry into the Rape Gangs are due for publication in the next few hours. What those terms require the inquiry to find will determine what it finds. Everything the inquiry is empowered to examine flows from what is written in those pages.

The draft terms, published in December 2025, direct the inquiry to examine the backgrounds of offenders, including ethnicity and religion, and whether those factors influenced how authorities responded.

They do not require the inquiry to examine whether ethnicity and religion drove the selection of victims or the institutional and political decision to look away.

Examining background produces demographic data. Examining causation produces accountability.

Before finalisation, survivors and campaigners wrote to the Home Secretary and the inquiry chair asking;

• whether white working-class girls were targeted because of their ethnicity
• whether the religious beliefs of perpetrators provided ideological justification for the targeting of non-Muslim girls, and whether institutions knew this and suppressed it
• whether institutions gave Pakistani-heritage perpetrators lighter treatment because of their standing in local communities
• whether police, politicians and policymakers covered up what took place because of the ethnic and religious backgrounds of the perpetrators
• whether little white girls were sacrificed at the altar of multiculturalism

They also asked for something harder than any of those questions. They demanded the inquiry be obligated to pass evidence of negligence or deliberate cover-ups to the police for criminal prosecution. Not findings. Referrals. Named individuals, criminal investigation, the possibility of charges. An inquiry with that power is an inquiry that can end careers. The draft terms contain no such obligation.

Each of those questions has a factual answer. Each answer implicates named individuals who made identifiable decisions in specific places at specific times. The inquiry, directed to examine causation rather than background, would have to require those individuals to account for what they did. It would have to say who knew, when they knew, and what calculation they made.

The draft terms do not require that. Hence, why over 20,000 people responded to the statutory consultation.

The Responses To The Consultation Were Not Ambiguous

Survivors who lived through the abuse, a former inquiry panellist who resigned from the process in protest, shadow ministers and campaigners submitted written demands that ethnicity and religion, Pakistani heritage and Islamic ideology, be examined as causal factors in the targeting of children and the suppression of prosecutions.

The Government has had those submissions. What appears in tomorrow's published terms is a political choice.

If those terms do not require the inquiry to address whether Pakistani ethnicity and Islamic ideology drove the selection of victims, and whether politicians and institutions looked away because protecting community relations and securing bloc votes mattered more than the children being raped, the consultation changed nothing.

The cover-up does not require coordination at every stage. It requires only that the people designing each successive process understand which questions, left unanswered now, will never have to be answered.

I’m Raja Miah MBE. For seven years, I led a campaign that exposed how senior Labour politicians helped protect Pakistani rape gangs. The people of my town helped force the national inquiry.

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