White Girls, Pakistani Clans, and the Crimes the State Hid

Some truths are uncomfortable. Some truths make politicians shift in their seats, civil servants avoid eye contact, and journalists change the subject. And some truths, the most consequential ones, are deliberately buried.

Should they fully surface, this government would fall. Politicians would face prison. Mass deportations would follow and this nation would never again be the same.

What follows are ten indisputable facts, evidence not of isolated incidents but of systematic failure, institutional complicity, and a criminal enterprise that operated for decades with impunity. These aren't allegations or theories. They are documented realities that the British state has gone to extraordinary lengths to obscure, deny, and bury. Read them not as history, but as an ongoing crime whose perpetrators still walk free, many in the corridors of power.

The Bradford Statistics

Let's get something straight. Most child abusers in Britain are white men. That's documented. That's understood. That's rightly condemned.

But here's another fact, one that makes our political class squirm and media guardians foam with rage. In town after town, across decades, organised networks of predominantly Pakistani-heritage men have systematically targeted White working-class girls.

This isn't speculation. It isn't right-wing scaremongering. It is fact.

Take Bradford.

A Freedom of Information request revealed between 2018 and 2023, 74.4% of convicted child sexual abuse offenders were Asian, in a city where Asians make up just 26.8% of the population. Of those Asian offenders, over 84% were Pakistani.

White offenders, despite white people comprising 64% of Bradford's population, accounted for only 24.5% of convictions.

When adjusted for population, Pakistani men in Bradford were 4.9 times more likely to be convicted of child sexual abuse than white men. This isn't about scapegoating. It's about confronting documented evidence that authorities are desperate for you not to see.

Beyond Gangs: The Clan Structure

These weren't isolated predators. This wasn't random street abuse. This was organised. Deliberate. Connected. This is why we must speak not of grooming gangs but of grooming clans.

Extended family networks operating across generations. Brothers, cousins, uncles, fathers, sometimes grandfathers, working in concert over years, often across multiple jurisdictions.

Their operations mirror mafia syndicates, with embedded codes of loyalty, silence, and community protection.

Many already had infrastructure from the Pakistani heroin trade routing through Afghanistan into Britain. The logistics, intimidation tactics, and regional coordination used in drug trafficking were seamlessly adapted to trafficking children.

This wasn't just abuse. It was a criminal enterprise.

The Cultural Component

This didn't emerge from nowhere. The roots run deep.

In 1947, during the Partition of India, there were mass rapes of Hindu and Sikh women by Muslim men. Their barbarism was often justified using religious precedent.

In 1971, during the 9 month war for Bangladeshi independence, over 200,000 women, mostly Bengali, were raped by the Pakistani army. The term "rape jihad" was coined to describe this form of religiously sanctioned, racially targeted sexual violence.

We see echoes of that same mindset here.

Some defendants explicitly cited religious and cultural justifications, viewing white, non-Muslim girls as inherently immoral and therefore legitimate targets. In courtrooms, perpetrators shouted religious slogans during sentencing. Their actions were not expressions of remorse, but defiance against a justice system they fundamentally reject.

To ignore this dimension isn't sensitivity. It's cowardice.

A Distinct Form of Exploitation

Not all child sexual exploitation is the same.

Institutional abuse, online predation, familial abuse - these are distinct crimes with different perpetrator profiles.

What we're examining is racially targeted, organised predation involving grooming, trafficking, and systematic abuse by networks who shared not only ethnicity and religion, but a belief system that dehumanised their victims. These men did not even consider their victims as children.

According to their beliefs, their victims were old enough to be married.

Without acknowledging this distinction, we cannot address it. And those who refuse to make this distinction are enabling its continuation.

The Victims: Selected by Race and Class

Their victims were overwhelmingly White working-class girls. Many from care homes. Many from broken families. But not all.

Some came from stable, loving households that had raised them to be tolerant and trusting. values weaponised against them.

When these girls spoke out, they were dismissed as troubled, unreliable, or even racist.

Teachers looked away. Social workers filed reports that vanished. Police officers sometimes failed to investigate, and in some cases were later found connected to the perpetrators themselves.

The exact victim count remains unknown. Files disappear. Investigations stall. Data vanishes.

These were crimes with clear racial targeting, yet the state refused to intervene. Would they have done the same had the victims been middle class?

A National Pattern, Not Local Anomalies

Rotherham. Rochdale. Telford. Oxford. Oldham. Keighley. Newcastle. Manchester. Bradford. Different towns. Same story. Same perpetrators. Same failures.

This is not a local problem requiring local solutions. It is a national criminal enterprise demanding a national inquiry.

So why is the government insisting on fragmented, town-by-town investigations?

Because a genuine national inquiry would expose not just the rapists, but the institutional enablers who allowed them to operate with impunity for decades.

The truth is too big, too damning to confront all at once. So they slice it up, hoping you won't see the whole picture.

The Institutional Failure

The authorities didn't fail by accident. They knew. And they chose to do nothing.

Why?

1. Fear of being labelled racist. Better to let girls be raped than to offend community sensibilities.
2. Contempt for the White working class. Especially by White middle class women.
3. Political calculation. In Labour-controlled areas, disturbing suggestions emerged of implicit arrangements where community leaders delivered bloc votes in exchange for official blindness.
4. Children sacrificed for power.
5. Institutional inadequacy. The British state was unprepared to confront crimes with these cultural dimensions. Rather than develop understanding, officials chose avoidance.

They were children. They were our children. And the state abandoned them.

The Ongoing Cover-Up

This isn't history. The failure continues.

People who buried reports, intimidated whistleblowers, and silenced victims now sit in Westminster.

That's why there's no appetite for justice. Real justice would reach too far up the chain.

When Detective Constable Maggie Oliver launched a campaign called #TheyKnew, pursuing justice outside the system she once served, what does that tell you?

It tells you the cover-up isn't over. It's still happening. And left to the State, no on will ever be held responsible for what happened.

The Racial and Religious Motivation

Let's call this what it is.

These crimes weren't random. They weren't opportunistic. They weren't race-blind. They were targeted, racial, and religiously justified.

White girls were described as "trash," "slags," "kufar." They were seen as immoral, unclean, and deserving of their treatment precisely because they were white and non-Muslim.

In courtrooms across Britain, after conviction, perpetrators shouted "Allahu Akbar", not in remorse but in defiance.

That is the mentality we are confronting. That is the truth they don't want spoken.

Truth Rather Than Comfort

Let me be absolutely clear.

This isn't an attack on all Pakistani men. It isn't an attack on Muslims. It most definitely isn't an attack on Britain's South Asian communities.

But it is a rejection of the lie that these crimes had nothing to do with ethnicity, culture, or religious attitudes.

When uncomfortable truths are suppressed to protect feelings or reputations, what you're really doing is leaving the next generation of girls unprotected.

This isn't about stoking hate. It's about confronting reality.

So when someone labels this discussion "divisive" or "dangerous," ask them one question:

Who benefits from your silence?

Not the girls. Not the vulnerable.

The beneficiaries are the rapists themselves, the politicians who made accommodations, the police officials who buried files, the councillors who threatened whistleblowers, and the journalists who looked away.

They gained from silence. And they are terrified that silence is finally breaking.

Because once truth is spoken, clearly, persistently and without apology, the reckoning begins.

And that's what they fear most.

Justice is coming.

For those new to me, I'm Raja Miah MBE. I spent six years leading a small team that exposed how politicians protected the rape gangs.

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