THEY COVERED UP THE GANG RAPE OF LITTLE GIRLS. NOW THEY HAVE FOUND A NEW WAY TO CONTROL THE TRUTH.

Labour's grooming gang cover-up no longer depends on denying what happened. It depends on deciding where the statutory powers are allowed to look.

Part One showed how every place on Longfield's list was forced onto it. Part Two sets out what the towns left outside have to do.

The councils and police forces that covered up the gang rape of girls have lost the ability to deny it. Men were convicted in open court in town after town, and the Government was forced into a national inquiry. The people who failed those girls protect themselves a different way. They make sure Baroness Longfield's statutory powers never arrive in their town.

Those powers are the only part of this inquiry they fear. A local investigation is the point at which a town's files are demanded and its council officers and police officers are questioned under oath. In a town without one, the people who ran it while girls were being raped are never made to answer for it.

Longfield has not chosen one of the places on her list. Every one of them was forced on her by a campaign, a vote or a threat. The towns that wrote and asked to be included were thanked and left out.

A request to Longfield is so harmless that the Chief Constable of West Yorkshire Police let his name go on one covering his own force. Twenty people were sentenced for the rape of girls in Dewsbury and Batley. On 14 August 2026 Sarah Wood, the Reform leader of Kirklees Council, wrote to Longfield and said she "would like Kirklees be considered for inclusion".

Among the supporters she listed were Sir John Robins, the Chief Constable, and Tracy Brabin, the Mayor who oversees his force. That is the force that policed Dewsbury and Batley while those girls were being raped, and its officers are the ones who would be questioned under oath if Longfield came.

Years of experience leads me to believe he was content to be named because a request of that kind puts nobody at risk. When Kirklees was left out should not surprise anyone. Mission accomplished.

Asking Longfield has not put one town on her list. Every town left outside has to do what Oldham and Bradford did and force her.

LONGFIELD DOES NOT HAVE TO SAY NO TO KEEP A TOWN OUT

Dan Sutherland became leader of Calderdale Council in May 2026 with thirty-four Reform councillors behind him. More than fifty men have been convicted of rape and child sexual exploitation in Calderdale since 2016. He wrote to Longfield saying her inquiry "needs to include Calderdale within its remit". She welcomed his offer of support, recognised the strength of feeling, and left Calderdale out on 24 June 2026 and again on 30 September 2026.

Longfield did not have to refuse him. She did not tell Calderdale it would not be investigated, and Sutherland went back to his voters and told them he saw inclusion "in future phases" as essential. Both of them got to say they were doing something, and nothing happened.

This is the same Reform group that attacked Labour in Calderdale as a party that "didn't request to be included in the national inquiry". It has held thirty-four of the fifty-four seats since 7 May 2026 and has put no demand in front of the full council. I called that cowardice at the time, and that is what it is.

Kirklees got the same treatment with more effort put into it. Wood's letter promised to cooperate with any lawful request. Four MPs wrote as well, and Longfield told them that not being selected "does not mean that it falls outside the scope of the inquiry's future work".

Her staff then met the chief executive of Kirklees Council and its director of children's services, and arranged through them to visit and meet survivors. The inquiry went to the council to reach the survivors, and the council is the body that is supposed to be investigated. On 30 September 2026 Longfield left Kirklees out.

Longfield does not say no to a town that asks. She writes back, holds a meeting, sends a form, arranges a visit and says nothing has been ruled out, and the town ends up where it started.

A leader who writes a letter can tell the public he asked. His councillors have not had to put their names to anything, and Longfield has not had to decide anything.

HULL VOTED UNANIMOUSLY. IT STILL WASN'T ENOUGH.

Hull did what Calderdale and Kirklees have not done. Reform's Duncan Graham moved a motion in July 2026 calling for Hull to be included, Lisa Graham seconded it and told the chamber the girls had been "failed twice", and every councillor in the room voted for it. Hull has had two police operations into child sexual exploitation, Marksman and Conference, and not one conviction from either.

If a vote of the full council was enough, Hull would have been named on 30 September 2026, and it was left out.

The motion resolved that the Liberal Democrat leader, Mike Ross, would write to Longfield and request a local investigation. It set no date for her answer and it said nothing would happen if she refused.

Labour, the Liberal Democrats and Reform all voted for it because it cost none of them anything. The whole council voted, and all it voted for was to ask.

Hull had done everything that looked like action and nothing that created pressure. The motion passed, the leader wrote, and every councillor could tell the public they had supported an inquiry. Longfield still left Hull out. The vote had failed because it required nothing from her and threatened nothing if she ignored it.

BRADFORD MADE REFUSING IT COST SOMETHING

Stephen Place began with a letter too. He wrote on 21 May 2026 and was told the first areas would be announced by 13 July 2026. If Bradford had left it there, his letter would have gone the same way as Sutherland's.

Bradford did not leave it there. By 3 June 2026 the Conservative opposition had requisitioned an extraordinary meeting of the full council, because the next ordinary meeting fell two days after Longfield's deadline. It was fixed for four o'clock on 24 June 2026.

Longfield announced Bradford six hours before that meeting sat.

The threat is what pushed Bradford over. If Longfield wants to say otherwise, she can publish the date her panel made the decision.

The meeting went ahead anyway, and Labour was made to choose in public. Labour ran Bradford through the years those girls were raped. Its councillor Imran Khan moved to adjourn the meeting and lost, moved his own amendment and lost, and then abstained with seventeen others.

Sixty-four councillors voted for the motion and one voted against. Every one of those names is in the minutes. A leader's letter puts nobody's vote on record. The difference is that Hull only asked, and Bradford had said what it would do if she refused.

A MOTION THAT CARRIES NO CONSEQUENCE IS JUST A LETTER WITH MORE NAMES ON IT

Every town Longfield has left out needs its council to pass a motion. A motion is a demand put to a meeting of the full council and voted on by every councillor, and once it passes it is the decision of the council and not the opinion of its leader. Hull passed one and was ignored, because Hull's motion left every decision with Longfield. It did not tell her what answer the council expected, when it expected it, or what the council would do if she refused.

A council that means to force her has to write its motion so that none of those decisions is left to her. That starts with naming the town and addressing the demand to Longfield and her panel, because they are the ones who choose the places. The Senedd shows what happens when a motion does neither. Reform's motion on 16 September 2026 called on the UK Government and was voted down. A fortnight later Longfield announced Wales as a whole country, with no town named and the areas "being decided". Five people had just been jailed for what they did to girls in Rhyl, and Rhyl is not on her list.

The council's motion has to hold Longfield to her own test. She published six criteria on 24 June 2026, the same day she named Bradford and London, and added that no single factor determines the outcome. That is a test written so that nobody can ever show she failed it. The council sets out in its motion the town's convictions, the police operations that went nowhere, the reports that were buried and the survivors who were turned away, one criterion at a time, so that her own test is answered on the record.

Longfield has published reasons for choosing Birmingham. She says the decision reflected survivor experience, indications of prevalence, harm and risk, public concern and the opportunity to examine how institutions identified and responded to child sexual exploitation. Those are almost word for word the criteria she says she applies everywhere. What she has never published is why those factors put Birmingham in while Calderdale, Kirklees, Hull, Blackpool and Telford remained outside.

Any council motion has to require her to publish her reasons if she leaves its town out.

A request with no date on it never has to be answered. Hull's council voted in July 2026 and set no day for a reply. Kirklees was told that not being selected did not put it outside the inquiry's "future work", and no date was attached to that either. The one council that got an answer was the one with a date in the diary. Bradford's meeting was fixed for four o'clock on 24 June 2026, and Longfield named Bradford that morning. So the council's motion has to give her a day and say that the council expects its town to be named by it.

The council's motion also has to say what the council will do if that day passes. Place had said in public that Bradford would begin its own independent inquiry if it was excluded, and that is the part Hull left out. A council that writes the same commitment into its motion is bound to commission its own independent inquiry on the day her deadline passes.

Longfield's hold over these towns is that hers is the only inquiry on offer. A council inquiry would not have her power to compel the police, and I will not pretend it would. It would have the council's own files, the council's own officers and the survivors who came forward, and it would be publishing what it found in a town Longfield had refused to enter. She would have to explain why a council could find the time for those girls when a statutory inquiry could not. I say she does not want to give that explanation, and Bradford is my evidence.

IF THE LEADER WILL NOT ACT, GO AROUND THE LEADER

I am not interested in hearing that the leader would not allow it. Schedule 12 of the Local Government Act 1972 lets any five members of a principal council in England or Wales requisition an extraordinary meeting, and that covers every county, district, borough and unitary authority. If the chair refuses or does nothing for seven days, those five call it themselves. In Bradford they came from the opposition.

Calderdale has thirty-four Reform councillors and has not found five to call an extraordinary meeting. Any group in any of those chambers that says it wants its town investigated and has five members has run out of excuses.

Five councillors cannot make Longfield do anything, but they can make their own council vote. Once the meeting sits, members demand a recorded vote under that council's standing orders, as they did in Bradford, and the minutes then show the town who voted for an investigation into the rape of its children, who voted against, and who abstained.

That matters even when the motion is lost. Oldham Council voted down inquiries for four years before it voted unanimously for one. Birmingham's councillors voted down an inquiry into the burying of the Jesson report in December 1995. Those votes are how the people of both places know who blocked it.

THE PRESSURE DID NOT START WITH THE POLITICIANS

Does anybody believe Oldham Council woke up one morning and decided to demand an inquiry into itself? It took eight years. My home was raided by the police more than once and the campaign did not stop. The town refused to be quiet and Labour lost its majority before that council voted the way it did on 12 February 2025.

Councils are the institutions that failed these girls. They do not volunteer to be put under oath.

Place did not write his letter from Bradford of his own accord either. Robbie Moore, the survivor Fiona Goddard and the solicitor David Greenwood had written to him telling him to back Bradford's inclusion. I said in public that his letter was not enough and that the full council had to meet, and within days the Conservatives had requisitioned the meeting.

Birmingham had no council behind it at all. I published its buried record in March 2026, the Conservative group wrote to Longfield in June 2026, and a cross-party letter went to every MP and group leader in the city. Three people signed it and the rest would not.

Hull had the motion and nobody behind it. Nobody outside that chamber was holding the council to a date, so the council set none, and Longfield was free to ignore it.

All of that pressure came from people outside the council chamber. The public forces the councillors, the councillors force the council, and the council forces Longfield.

THIS CAMPAIGN HAS ONLY JUST STARTED

For years, I have campaigned to force the rape of our children out of the files, reviews and back rooms where institutions wanted it left. Oldham now has a statutory national inquiry. Bradford, London, Birmingham and Wales have been dragged onto its agenda. And we are not stopping there.

I am now turning that same pressure onto the National Inquiry itself.

I want Calderdale, Kirklees, Blackpool, Hull, Telford and every other town with unanswered questions put in front of Baroness Longfield. I want councils forced to vote. I want councillors forced to put their names on the record. And I want Longfield forced to explain publicly why one town gets the powers of a statutory inquiry while another is left outside.

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We have already seen what happens when enough pressure is applied.

Now we need to apply it everywhere.

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ONE TOWN CAN BE MANAGED. TEN BECOME A PROBLEM.

Calderdale, Kirklees, Hull, Blackpool and Telford have been left out, and I am not stopping at five. Rochdale, Rotherham and Oxford have been given a review of their old paperwork in place of an investigation. Manchester has Operation Augusta, which was shut down before it finished.

Lancashire has not had a proper investigation, and Rhyl has five people in prison and no investigation with its name on it. There are other towns where the cases are going through the courts and nobody has put the whole story in one place.

Longfield moves when a place becomes impossible to ignore, so this cannot be done one town at a time. Ten councils doing what Bradford threatened would put ten named towns in front of her, each with its evidence set out under her own criteria and its councillors on the record by name. It would put ten deadlines in front of her at once, each one ending in an inquiry she does not control. Ten councils setting her a deadline in the same month cannot be answered with ten thank-you letters.

This is the work I did in Oldham, and it is how a national inquiry was forced out of a Government that had refused one. I am taking it to every town that is ready to fight.

One of the girls in Rhyl told the court she cannot walk into her own town. She does not need another politician announcing that he has written a letter. She needs the people who failed her put under oath, and the national inquiry is the only body with the power to do it.

So we stop asking Longfield. Every time she says no, it has to cost her.

PART 3: NOW I NAME THE TOWNS

Part Three names the first towns where this pressure must be applied. I will set out the record in each one, what has not been answered, and who already has the numbers to force a vote. I will start with those towns, and there will be more.

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Raja Miah MBE

My name is Raja Miah MBE. For eight years I have exposed how politicians, police and public bodies failed working class White girls who were systematically raped by Pakistani grooming gangs. Together, with the support of the people of Oldham, we forced the Government to concede a National Statutory Inquiry after years of resistance.

Children gang raped, communities betrayed, politicians and police officers involved protected, and you expected to shake your head and carry on as if nothing more can be done because lessons have been learned.

For eight years, I have refused. The police repeatedly dawn raided my home and falsified evidence to try and silence me. The newspapers smeared me. And Pakistani gangsters, under the protection of Labour politicians, followed me home. Islamists openly incited my murder.

Blacklisted by the mainstream media, only your support makes it possible for me to keep exposing the truth those in power want buried.

They sold children for votes and sacrificed entire towns and cities at their altar of multiculturalism. I help you make sense of it. And I help you fight back.

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