They Called Your Daughters Kuffar

And Then Gang Raped Them Because They Knew The Politicians Would Protect Them

Over a hundred thousand children. Overwhelmingly White girls. Overwhelmingly working class. Targeted across more than a hundred towns and cities over four decades by networks of predominantly Pakistani men who selected them by race, justified it through faith, were protected by the institutions paid to stop it, and handed immunity from prosecution by the politicians who profited from their votes.

The recorded findings of inquiries and court proceedings spanning thirty years confirm every word of it.

Most people in this country still do not know the full picture. Not because the evidence is hidden. Because the people who should have told them decided not to.

Then last year, when this scandal was finally exposed in a way never before, Sir Trevor Phillips stepped forward. He said it publicly, to an audience of millions. A man of his standing, with everything he has built, saying out loud what the institutions have spent decades trying to suppress. That took courage. It also is not the full picture.

Where he falls short

Trevor says the local authorities did nothing. He is wrong on that, and the distinction matters.

The local authorities did not do nothing. They covered it up. In Rotherham. In Rochdale. In Telford. In Oldham. The councils worked in concert with the police and the local press, and they did so deliberately, in the name of maintaining community relations. Social workers who raised concerns were told to reframe their findings. Police officers who named the ethnic profile of the networks were sent on diversity training. Parents of victims were referred to parenting courses.

Calling that inaction lets everyone off the hook. They were protecting the perpetrators while children were being raped.

On why these girls were targeted

Trevor says they were targeted because they were White and outside the community. He is right. The perpetrators selected these girls because they were white, because they were not one of their own, because their faith told them these girls were morally inferior and sexually available.

We know this because they said so. During the rapes. They called these children kuffar. White slags. Dirty white bitches. Curry powder was thrown over them.

That language was not private. It was spoken aloud to the children being abused, and then repeated in court as a defence. Morally inferior. Deserving of it. Said out loud, in front of judges, by men who believed the accusation of racism would do more damage than the evidence against them.

There is more to it.

The professional classes held these girls in contempt before the abusers got near them. Social workers. Council officers. Police. The language they used was lifestyle choices. Child prostitute. Those were official terms, used in official records, about children as young as twelve.

The institutions washed their hands of these children because they were working class and already written off.

Two sets of contempt. Running simultaneously. Pointed at the same children.

I have always broken this down into pillars.

• Racially motivated.
• Religiously justified.
• Politically protected.
• Socially sanctioned
• Culturally accepted.

That last one does not refer only to the Pakistani or Muslim communities. It refers to the White professional culture that processed these children through its systems and found reasons not to act.

How the abuse actually operated

Trevor describes the boyfriend model as though it is the defining mechanism. It is just one wave of several.

The first wave was not the boyfriend model.

It was girls in care. Girls from broken homes. Children the system had already failed before any of these men turned up. Councillor Hughie MacDonald is on record. He testified that he arrived at a children's home in Oldham and found girls climbing out of windows to get into the cars waiting below. The care workers told him there was nothing they could do.

Not one of those men was ever charged. No one investigated the care home staff that were pimping out children

These girls were used until the networks wanted what they called, in their own words, fresh meat. Younger. Less damaged. This demand is what produced the boyfriend model that Trevor references.

Older young men, seventeen and eighteen and nineteen, in flash cars, targeting girls of thirteen and fourteen in youth clubs. Government youth strategy at the time grouped services across a thirteen to twenty-five age range. The perpetrators used that overlap deliberately. They accessed public funded services through which they accessed the girls, built relationships, posed as boyfriends, then passed the girl up through the network to older men.

When that was not enough, they moved to the schools.

I evidenced this directly in Oldham. At Counthill Hill School, which later became Waterhead Academy, men were pulling up outside the gates and luring children into cars. There was a teacher at that school who went out into the street and tried to pull children away from those cars. He had his funeral last year. Died a broken man. Unable to protect the children in his care.

At another school, a former pupil contacted me with testimony that teachers were briefed to ignore what they were seeing. To say nothing. For fear of community relations.

All the time, support staff were going to the rape dens to collect children and bring them back to safety.

Not one arrest.

When the school gates became a barrier, they recruited inside them. Boys of school age, a year or two older than the targets, were brought into the network. Their job was to befriend girls in their own year groups, pose as their boyfriends, and deliver them to older brothers and cousins and uncles.

The biraderi

The biraderi is a clan-based kinship network rooted in rural Pakistan, in places like Mirpur, transplanted into British towns through successive waves of migration. A boy recruited into that network is not making a choice. He is fulfilling an obligation. Loyalty runs through bloodline. Silence is a matter of honour. What happens inside the network stays inside the network, and every man in it knows the cost of speaking. That infrastructure was in place long before any of these girls were targeted. The abuse did not create the silence. It relied on a silence that already existed.

The men sharing girls across Rotherham and Rochdale and Telford were not strangers who happened to share an interest in abuse. They were men whose networks had spent generations teaching them what they owed each other and what they were entitled to keep quiet.

Then came the blackmail.

Girls who had been abused were threatened into recruiting other girls. Threatened with violence. Threatened against their families. That is how the networks kept expanding. Kept finding their fresh meat.

The model was never static. It adapted. It grew. Wave after wave after wave.
All the time, the men involved were protected and virtually immune from prosecution.

Their customer base involved tens of thousands of men, many who flew into the country just to take part, not a single one of these men, who paid to gang rape children, were ever prosecuted.

The question nobody wants to answer

Map all of this together and you are looking at something that ran across over a hundred towns and cities, over four decades, and claimed more than a hundred thousand victims.

That did not happen by accident.

Successive governments, for fifty years, built a multicultural strategy that required these communities to be kept sweet. The block Muslim vote was not a side issue. It was the calculation at the centre of everything. Politicians knew what it cost them to act. They decided that cost was too high.

Look at what happened in Gorton. A Labour stronghold gone, because the calculation finally shifted and the community withdrew what it had always been able to withdraw. You are watching the same logic operate today, as the government navigates the new Islamophobia definition and walks its tightrope on Gaza.

It is the same system. The same calculation. A different set of children paying the price.

Trevor Phillips is right that this is unlike anything else in the history of child abuse in this country. The scale alone makes that true. But the full account requires naming not one failure but several, all running in the same direction, for reasons that have never stopped.

The girls who were failed by all of it are still waiting for an honest reckoning. The people who failed them are still in their positions. Still drawing their salaries. Still being interviewed on national radio comparing rape gangs to Jeffrey Epstein as though that is a serious contribution to the debate.

Not one politician held to account. Not one chief constable. Not one council official.

That is not an accident. That is the point.

And here is what I want you to sit with. Every institution that could have stopped this chose not to. Every politician who knew stayed quiet. The journalists who could have broken this looked away instead.

If you think that ends with the inquiry, you are not paying attention.

I’m Raja Miah MBE. For seven years, I led a campaign that exposed how senior Labour politicians helped protect Pakistani rape gangs. The people of my town helped force the national inquiry.

You won’t see me on the BBC. You won’t read my work in the legacy press. That’s not an accident. I take this to a place from where there is no coming back.

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