The Enclave State

How Britain Surrendered to the Biraderi

Britain is facing a threat it dares not name. In every town where Pakistani clan networks have entrenched themselves, a second political system has grown in the shadows, operating beyond democratic norms and outside any meaningful public oversight. It does not answer to the people it claims to represent, and it has been allowed to flourish by politicians who abandoned the very communities they were elected to defend. It is protected by fear. It is nourished by silence. And those that should have stopped it surrendered that responsibility years ago.

This is the enclave state. Not a conspiracy. Not an exaggeration. A reality that anyone paying attention can see, and that everyone in power has chosen to ignore.

I have spent seven years documenting it. I have been arrested for it, smeared for it, and the leader of the Labour Council in Oldham has openly endorsed the offer of my murder to try and silence me exposing it. What I describe here is not theory. It is what I have witnessed, evidenced, and fought against. From Oldham to Rochdale and everywhere else in the country where the Pakistanis hold public office, which now includes all the way to the corridors of Westminster, system has become the quiet architecture of political power.

The Missing

I shared two photographs recently: different rooms, different days, different gatherings, yet both reveal the same reality. Inside Britain, there are now political spaces where most of the country simply does not exist.

The White working-class residents who built these towns are missing. The African Caribbean families who shaped their culture are not in the room. Bangladeshis are excluded. Eastern Europeans who keep the local economy functioning have been pushed aside. So have Kurdish, Hindu, Sikh and Middle Eastern communities. Even Pakistani families are absent unless they belong to the right clan. Women, meanwhile, have vanished completely — not because of circumstance, but because the system has no place for them.

What remains is a single demographic. A small circle of Pakistani men who behave not as public representatives but as proprietors of territory. These gatherings are presented as community meetings, cultural dialogues, political consultations. They are none of these things. They are closed-door assemblies for men whose power comes from clan loyalty, not democratic legitimacy.

Do not call this multiculturalism. Call it what it is: a parallel power structure growing inside a democratic country. And the institutions responsible for protecting that democracy are terrified of confronting what is happening.

The Machine

For years, councils and political parties pretended that biraderi politics was a harmless cultural habit. A convenient lie. One that let them avoid the fight. In reality, it is a political machine designed for one purpose: control. It was engineered over generations in Pakistan and replicated inside Labour's Muslim strongholds across the country. It rewards loyalty to family blocs, not to voters. It promises influence in exchange for silence. It suppresses dissent. Once it takes root, it spreads across everything it touches.

Candidate selections begin to reflect the interests of clan elders rather than the needs of the community. Postal voting becomes a tightly managed asset. Council leadership contests turn into negotiations between a handful of men. Community funding is redirected to reward compliance. Even safeguarding and policing adjust themselves to avoid upsetting those who hold the real power.

This is not a cultural quirk. It no longer sits within British democracy. It grows around it, replacing it piece by piece.

The Ideology

Hidden within this system is another force entirely. The biraderi machine is only the outer shell. Inside it sits a harder ideological project that the authorities refuse to name. Islamist political activism has learned that clan networks provide the perfect vehicle for influence. A captive audience of bloc voters. Male elders who command obedience. A system where political identity is shaped not by citizenship or conscience but by communal obligation.

This is not Islam as a faith. It is Islamism as a political movement. One that insists religious identity must outrank civic responsibility, that treats accountability as an attack on the community, that transforms foreign conflicts into domestic leverage and portrays any scrutiny as bigotry.

The biraderi provides the numbers. The Islamists provide the narrative. Together they create something neither could achieve alone. A political structure protected by fear.

When a outsider asks questions, the accusation of Islamophobia is immediate. When police attempt to enforce the law, they are warned not to inflame tensions. Councillors who challenge corruption are told they risk dividing communities. The system defends itself not with debate but with intimidation.

The Cowardice

It thrives because Britain's public institutions have lost their courage. Everyone in authority knows what is happening. Council executives, MPs, senior police officers, Home Office officials, civil servants, editors, party organisers. They speak about it privately. They warn each other. They worry endlessly about the consequences. But when it comes to acting, they retreat.

The machine holds bloc votes. Those votes can topple council leaders, decide parliamentary seats and determine internal party battles. The fear of losing them dominates political life. Any challenge is treated as an assault on the community itself. No official wants to be the one dragged into a manufactured scandal. No institution wants to confront an organised backlash. So they do nothing. Again.

The Complicity

But cowardice does not explain everything. Some are not bystanders at all. They are participants.

They take the endorsements. They accept the bloc votes. They negotiate with clan leaders and call it community engagement. They build careers on arrangements they know to be corrupt. They attend the closed-door meetings, make the introductions, ensure the right candidates are selected and the wrong ones removed. They sit in council chambers and Parliament alike, knowing exactly how they got there and what it cost.

These people are not afraid of the machine. They are part of it.

The Collusion

Then there are those who provide the ideological cover.

They are the commentators, academics, charity executives and politicians who insist that any scrutiny of these structures is bigotry. They have built careers on a version of multiculturalism that treats minority communities not as citizens with individual rights but as voting blocs to be managed through appointed gatekeepers. They defend the clan leaders as authentic voices and dismiss critics as racists. They treat integration as a colonial imposition and separatism as cultural preservation.

They do not see what is happening because their ideology has made it invisible. Women excluded? That is tradition. Bloc voting replacing democratic choice? Community cohesion. Grooming gangs operating under political protection? A distraction from structural racism. Their framework has no language for the abuse of power within minority communities — only for the abuse of power against them.

Whether they believe they are fighting injustice is irrelevant. They have built the ideas that make the enclave state untouchable. Every accusation of Islamophobia that silences legitimate inquiry, every report that treats clan politics as authentic representation, every editorial that frames resistance as far-right extremism — this is the collusion that holds it all together.

The Surrender

This is why grooming gang scandals were ignored for decades. Why safeguarding systems collapsed. Why corrupt councillors survived scandal after scandal. Why known criminals embedded themselves in community politics. Why whistleblowers were targeted instead of protected. Why victims were dismissed, disbelieved and abandoned.

It was not incompetence. It was not a failure of intelligence or resources. Every institution knew. The police knew. The councils knew. The Labour Party knew. Child protection services knew. They had the reports. They had the testimony. They had the patterns laid out in front of them. And they made a choice.

They chose bloc votes over child safety. They chose quiet careers over public duty. They chose the approval of clan elders over the screams of teenage girls. They called it avoiding community tension. They called it respecting cultural difference. They called it anything except what it was.

The enclave state did not defeat Britain. Britain simply surrendered to it. Some through fear, some for profit, and some in the name of virtue.

The Cost

Public money channelled through mosque committees rather than proper oversight. Councillors who should represent the whole town acting instead as clan negotiators. Local problems ignored while international grievances spark instant mobilisation. A quiet form of religious and cultural pressure seeping into public institutions, not through legislation but through fear. Sectarian governance dressed up as representation.

The human cost runs deeper. The system damages ordinary British Muslims more than anyone. Women are forced out of public life. Moderates fall silent. Young professionals who want to integrate into civic society are suffocated by the expectations of clan elders. Families from the wrong lineage find themselves excluded entirely. Dissenting voices are silenced first, because nothing threatens the machine more than independent thought from those it claims to represent.

The damage extends far wider. White working-class communities displaced politically. African Caribbean residents locked out of decisions. Eastern Europeans made invisible. Hindu, Sikh, Bangladeshi and Kurdish communities cast aside despite living in the same neighbourhoods. Victims of grooming and exploitation losing faith that the state will ever protect them. Ordinary people, regardless of ethnicity or faith, watching their institutions retreat into cowardice.

This is not the inclusive, confident country we were promised. It is political triage where entire groups are written off to preserve the power of a few.

The Confrontation

Britain is moving toward an unavoidable confrontation. Democratic accountability stands against a parallel, clan-based, Islamist-aligned power structure that answers only to itself. These two systems cannot coexist indefinitely. One must eventually overcome the other. For now it is democracy that is giving way.

Councillors defer to mosque committees. Police forces avoid enforcement to preserve calm. Politicians fly to Pakistan to court influence rather than face questions at home. Islamist organisers hold veto power over public debate. Biraderi leaders decide who can stand for election and who must be removed.

This is how democratic space collapses. Quietly. Incrementally. Then irreversibly.

The Silence

The only thing that allows this system to survive is silence. Silence from officials who know the truth. Silence from journalists who fear backlash. Silence from ordinary Muslims who do not want to be punished for speaking out.

That silence helped grooming gangs escape justice. It protected corrupt councillors. It shielded criminals and extremists. And today it protects the system that produced them.

Breaking that silence is not an act of division. It is an act of public duty. The struggle is not in some distant place. It is here. It does not belong to another generation. It belongs to this one.

To those who covered this up: we know. To those still covering it up: your time is running out.

Britain cannot look away any longer.

This isn't about politics anymore. It's about preservation of a ruling clique defending its own survival, even if it means abandoning the very people they swore to protect.

The nation does not need silence. It needs truth. This is not only a child abuse scandal. It is a crisis of truth, trust and governance in modern Britain.

I am Raja Miah. For seven years, I led a small team that exposed how politicians protected the rape gangs.

I cannot do this on my own. I need you to stand with me. We’re running out of time. Without the numbers, they will win. It’s as simple as that.

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Raja Miah MBE