Pakistani Untouchables
Inside Britain's Biraderi Clans
Baron Nazir Ahmed of Rotherham walked into the Royal Nawaab in Stockport last June as a distinguished guest. He had been out of prison for less than a year.
Convicted in January 2022 of attempting to rape a girl aged four or five and sexually assaulting a boy aged nine or ten, both in Rotherham in the 1970s, Ahmed was one of three brothers found to have committed the abuse. His two older brothers, Mohammed Farouq and Mohammed Tariq, were deemed unfit to stand trial but a jury found they had done the acts alleged. He alone was convicted. He still holds his title because stripping a life peerage requires an act of parliament and the Labour government has not brought one forward.
Standing beside him were Afzal Khan, the Labour MP for Rusholme, and Councillor Shaukat Ali, the Deputy Lord Mayor of Manchester City Council. We know this because BT Properties published its own promotional account of the evening on its website and named all three. The page remains live.
The event was the UK launch of Waada, a Dubai property scheme run by Malik Riaz Hussain and his son Ali Riaz Malik. The National Crime Agency had already forced the pair to forfeit £190 million. The Court of Appeal confirmed in 2021 that they were involved in corruption and financial crime serious enough to ban them from British soil.
Pakistan's government had warned investors the week before that putting money into Waada risked criminal proceedings. The scheme's head of global sales, Shahid Mahmood Qureshi, was present in the room with an active arrest warrant in Pakistan that evening, having failed to answer multiple court summons.
The unexplained wealth orders applied to Malik and Ali were the same instruments used against Russian oligarchs. The NCA froze eight of their British bank accounts and forced the sale of a £50 million London property with a cinema, steam room and spa. At the time it was the largest settlement under the Criminal Finances Act 2017. Lady Justice Nicola Davies, upholding the decision to ban them from Britain, said their exclusion was conducive to the public good due to their conduct, character and associations.
The NCA sent the £190 million back to Pakistan. It did not stay in the treasury. Imran Khan, then prime minister, was accused of allowing it to be used to pay off Malik and Ali's debts in exchange for a bribe of 20 hectares of land and millions of rupees for him and his wife. He was sentenced to 14 years in prison and has been detained since August 2023. The money extracted by British law enforcement from two men banned from Britain was seemingly stolen by the head of state of the country it was returned to.
The roadshow was built around these men.
The Times reported three MPs at the roadshow. It missed the convicted child sex offender baron and the deputy lord mayor of Manchester. It also missed countless other biraderi politicians and public officials in key UK organisations.
What the Brochure Did Not Say
For many in Britain's Mirpuri communities, Dubai is not a foreign country. It is the next stop. Weddings are held there. Businesses are registered there. Money that has done well in Bradford or Oldham or Rochdale goes there to be seen. The skyline is familiar from social media before anyone has set foot in it. For a generation that made the journey from Azad Kashmir to the mill towns of northern England, Dubai represents the completion of something. A visible success in a jurisdiction that is Muslim, wealthy and warm.
Waada understood this. The roadshow was not selling property. It was selling arrival. Flats starting at £135,000 in a development named from the Urdu word for promise were marketed through the community figures those same communities had placed in parliament and on city councils, projected onto screens in hotel ballrooms in Manchester, Birmingham and London.
The pitch was cultural as much as financial. This is where your people are going. This is where you are expected next.
The brochures left out Dubai's other reputation, the one that does not appear in promotional videos set to classical music. British law enforcement has tracked the movement of carousel fraud proceeds and laundered assets to the UAE for years.
Madlen Davies
It is the jurisdiction where British-Pakistani organised crime figures have placed themselves beyond extradition's reach. Low taxation, weak transparency obligations and limited cooperation with UK authorities make it the destination where money goes when it cannot stay in Britain. Men wanted for questioning in this country have built comfortable lives there. Assets that could not survive scrutiny here have been registered, invested and laundered there.
Malik Riaz Hussain and his son Ali Riaz Malik are banned from Britain and wanted in Pakistan. They are not hiding in Dubai. They are building a mini-city there, selling it to the British-Pakistani diaspora through its own political leadership, and calling it a promise.
The MPs Who Showed Up
Afzal Khan walked in at the front of a ceremonial procession and gave interviews in Urdu and English praising the development. He has since said he did not address the room, did not endorse the company and did not promote the project. The Times reported the footage of him doing all three.
Ayoub Khan, the independent MP for Birmingham Perry Barr, attended the West Midlands event at the Hyatt Regency. Born in Ratta, Azad Kashmir, he had months earlier spoken at the Mirpur Airport Demand Grand Conference in Birmingham, the same biraderi infrastructure on a different occasion, where he told attendees that the rape gang scandal was a narrative "done in order to sow division."
At the Hyatt he described those behind Waada as having a track record, referenced his standing as a barrister and an MP, and expressed enthusiasm for visiting Dubai to meet the key stakeholders.
He has since said he had no prior knowledge of any impropriety associated with the project's owners and did not know who they were.
"At the time of attending, and until your inquiry, I had no prior knowledge of any historical impropriety associated with the project's owners, nor did I know who they were."
The owners were on a screen in the room. Their names were on the promotional material. Their company had been the subject of the largest unexplained wealth order settlement in British legal history. Pakistan's government had issued a public warning about the scheme days before he arrived. Even Imran Khan had been imprisoned because of his associations with these men. But it seems that Ayoub Khan was unaware of who he was rubbing shoulders with.
Naz Shah represents Bradford West. She travelled to a gala in Mayfair, a short walk from the £50 million London property the NCA had already seized from the same family, to praise a company whose principals are banned from the country she was standing in. Her office says she attends many events related to her constituents' Pakistani heritage and this was one of those events. In Mayfair and not Manningham.
All three were photographed, quoted and inserted into promotional videos. Their faces ran alongside slogans about trust. Their words were used to reassure ordinary British-Pakistanis considering parting with savings starting at £135,000.
The Network That Runs Everything
The biraderi is a kinship and reciprocity system rooted in the clan structures of Mirpur and Azad Kashmir, transplanted into British cities across four generations. It decides who stands for council and who wins the contract. It decides who gets the call when a favour is needed. Attendance is the currency. Nobody orders anyone to show up. The ask is understood. So are the consequences for non compliance.
It also runs elections. The postal vote harvesting and clan voting documented across the country is the same system in its electoral form. Households vote as units. Votes are delivered in blocks. The network that decides who attends a property roadshow decides who the candidates are and where the votes go. The occasion changes. The mechanism does not.
Malik Riaz Hussain built Bahria Town inside exactly this structure, scaled to the Pakistani military and political establishment. The Waada roadshow brought that system to Manchester, Birmingham and London.
The Convict in the Room
The biraderi absorbs the damage when the British state convicts its people. It waits out the sentence and reintegrates.
Ahmed raped children in Rotherham. He served his sentence. He retained his title. He walked back into community life and the network put him in a room with the global sales director of a property empire the NCA had stripped of £190 million, whose principals the Court of Appeal confirmed were involved in corruption and financial crime serious enough to ban them from British soil, and described him as a distinguished guest. Manchester's Deputy Lord Mayor was there too.
The British state had formally identified three categories of person as unfit for public life. Two of them shared the room. The third, Malik and Ali, banned from British soil and wanted in Pakistan, appeared on large screens instead, delivering messages about uplifting communities while their wanted sales director worked the floor below.
The promotional webpage naming them all together remains live. The biraderi does not recognise the state's categories. It has never needed to.
Ahmed's victims are from Rotherham. The rape gangs that operated there for decades were the product of the same community power structures that protected the powerful and abandoned the vulnerable. His conviction belongs inside that history. So does the protection of just under 100 taxi drivers implicated in Manchester's rape gang cover-up. So does the suppression of over 700 victims in Birmingham, documented since 1991 and buried for over three decades.
The biraderi does not only promote property. It protects rape gang perpetrators.
The Defences Do Not Hold
The ignorance claim is the weakest defence available and all three MPs reached for it. Naz Shah has represented Bradford West since 2015. Afzal Khan has been embedded in Greater Manchester's British-Pakistani political infrastructure for three decades. Ayoub Khan built his entire political career through the same Mirpuri community networks that Waada was explicitly designed to target.
Pakistan's government had issued a public warning about the scheme days before all three appeared. Three of the most politically connected British-Pakistani figures in the country headlined a roadshow for a scheme Pakistan's government had publicly warned against. Their ignorance defence is staggering.
In any case, it does not account for what Afzal Khan, a former government minister, was doing walking in at the front of a ceremonial procession into a room that also contained Baron Nazir Ahmed of Rotherham, a convicted child sex offender eleven months out of prison. Khan gave interviews. Ahmed was listed as a distinguished guest. The Deputy Lord Mayor of Manchester was there. The scheme's global sales head, Shahid Mahmood Qureshi, worked the room with an active arrest warrant in Pakistan. Nobody left.
The NCA spent years pursuing Malik and Ali and extracted £190 million. British public figures then handed the same men's next venture a legitimacy tour across three cities, and no government minister dares question what took place. Just as with the rape gangs, we all know the reason why.
Ahmed walked out of prison and into that room. The biraderi had saved him a seat.
The question is how many more seats do the Biraderi control. And if you have the courage to ask it, why will Keir Starmer and a Labour Party reliant on its Biraderi bloc vote not sack a single one of them?
Now do you see why the rape gangs were protected? Now can you see just how powerful these people are?
We are not where we are by accident. We will not get where we need to be if we leave it to those that were part of the cover up to deliver justice. Stand with me.
I’m Raja Miah. For seven years, I led a small team that exposed how politicians protected the rape gangs. Before that, I spent over a decade trying to stop violent extremists exploiting abandoned communities.
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– Raja Miah MBE